
On 1st May 1567 a bunch of Lords gathered in Stirling where they signed a bond (I think I can see a pattern emerging here) obliging them all to use all their powers to free the Queen and defend her son. All very worthy: so strange that the three prime movers were Morton Argyll and Atholl - all signatories of the Ainsle Tavern Bond. Kirkaldy asked Bedford to write to Moray in England, aiming for his return. Robert Melville wrote to England for support against Bothwell - promising to seek such support in France if England was not forthcoming. Cheekily, the conspirators wrote to Mary pledging her their support against Bothwell. Meantime, they diverted themselves with a tasteful little drama called 'The Murder of Darnley and the Fate of Bothwell', which ended with 'Bothwell' being hanged to realistically that the actor playing him was almost killed.
Meantime the atmosphere at Dunbar was lightening. On 30th April Drury reported that Mary and Bothwell were seen out walking with an escort of arquebusiers, and a few days later they were practicing archery and horseriding. Far from being held a solitary captive, Mary was attended by Janet Hepburn (Bothwell's sister), Janet Beaton and Lady Reres. On 6th May 1567 Mary and Bothwell returned to Edinburgh with Huntly and Maitland in their train.[1] Bothwell led the Queen's horse by the bridle, which apparently suggested that she was captive.[2]
John Craig, minister of the parish church of Edinburgh, refused to read the marriage banns until Mary sent him a personally signed command saying she had not been ravished or held captive. Even so, when he read the banns on 9th May he still denounced Bothwell for doing these things. No wonder Bothwell threatened to hang him.
On 12th May Bothwell was created Duke of Orkney and Lord of Shetland; both titles held previously by the 1st Earl of Bothwell. Four of his followers were also knighted.
Meantime, consternation was growing as it was suggested that Mary was completely in Bothwell's power. On 14th May Clernault reported to Archbishop Beaton in Paris that Mary refused to listen to him or read any communicationshe brought her from her advisors abroad.[3] This was the same day that Mary pardoned the signatories of the Ainslie Tavern bond.
People then as now appear to have thought that Mary was in Bothwell's power; some going so far as to say that he had used witchcraft to ensnare her. More likely, her zombie-like state was a result of the shock of Kirk o' Field and the attempted coup it represented, combined with her continuing and justified worries about the safety of her throne. Mary was still using her brain and had her own reasons for marrying Bothwell: she wanted to "settle religion by that means". To get Catholics and Protestants on-side was the only way she could see to save her throne. [4]
The Marriage of Mary and Bothwell took place on 15th May 1567, in the Great Hall at Holyrood[5] (or possibly the 'old chapel' or abbey church[2]). The Protestant ceremony was performed by Adam Bothwell (no relation), bishop of Orkney.[6][2] It was followed by a public wedding dinner, Mary sitting at the head of the table and Bothwell at the foot. 'Mense malas maio nubere vulgus ait' read the lines from Ovid pasted to the palace gates. 'Wantons marry in the month of May'.
The Royal couple were not without allies: those attending the wedding included Huntly, Maitland, Crawford, Sutherland, Fleming, Boyd, Oliphant, Glamis and Livingston, along with Archbishop Hamilton and the Bishops of Ross and Dunblane [2]. Mary and Bothwell then attempted to mollify Catherine de' Medici and Charles IX in France by sending the Bishop of Dunblane, William Chisholm, across the channel pronto, with Mary and Bothwell's instructions:
"First, you will excuse us to the King and Queen, and our uncles, because the consummation of our marriage was brought to their ears before our messengers brought them the news of our intention. This excuse must be chiefly grounded in the true report of the Duke of Orkney's whole life, and especially of his behaviour and proceeding towards us, to this time that we have been made content to take him for our husband. "
The instructions go on to detail Bothwell's services to both Mary and her mother. They then describe how Bothwell 'abducted' Mary and made his suit, and the reasons why she eventually accepted him, including:
No one had attempted to free Mary, and so she assumed that all the nobles approved of Bothwell's plan to marry her, especially as he had shown her the Ainslie's Tavern Bond.Bothwell was loyal and likely to stay that way.
Her people liked their Queen to be married and disliked foreign matches; and there was no-one else in Scotland of suitable rank or record for Mary to marry.
Scotland's factions meant that unrest was commonplace and Bothwell was a man capable of suppressing rebellion and meting out justice at a time when Mary felt incapable of doing so.
According to the instructions, marriage was the only way Bothwell could be sure that Mary wouldn't withdraw her favour from him, and her favour was imperitive to him if he was to survive in Scotland. He was so worried that she would change her mind that he didn't let her consult with the King and Dowager Queen of France, or indeed anyone else, so it was all his fault it was such a surprise to them: but they shouldn't blame him anyway, because Mary was happy with her husband now.[7]
That's the gist of the instructions anyway. To read the full account click here.
The day after the wedding, du Croc, the French ambassador reported that:
"On Friday her Majesty sent for me. When I came, I perceived an estranged demeanour between her and her husband; for this she wished me to excuse her, saying that if I saw her sad, it was because she could not rejoice, for she did nothing but wish for death.Yesterday [the wedding day], being shut up in her cabinet with Bothwell, she screamed aloud, and then sought for a knife to stab herself. Those who were in the chamber adjoining the cabinet heard her. They think that if God does not aid her, she will become desperate. I have counselled and comforted her the best I could, these three times I have seen her.
Her husband will not remain so long, for he is too much hated in this realm, as he is still considered guilty of the death of the King. There is here, besides the Earl of Bothwell, but one noble of note, this is the Earl of Crawford: the others are sent for, but will not come.
She has summoned them to meet, in a place she has named. If they convene, I am to speak to them in the name of the King [Charles IX], and see if I can do aught with them. After saying all that is possible for me to say, it will be better to withdraw myself, and as I have sent word to you, leave them to play out their game. It is not fitting that I sit there among them in the name if the King. For if I lean to the Queen, they will think in this realm, and in England, that my King has a hand in all that is done; while, if it had not been for the express commands your Majesty laid on me, I had departed hence eight days before this marriage took place. If I have spoken in a very high tone, it is that all this realm may be aware that I will neither mix myself up with these nuptials, nor will I recgnise him as husband of the Queen.[8]
- M du Croc to Catherine de' Medici; May 16, 1567
This letter is interesting as it verifies what Melville [4] says about Mary calling for a knife:
"I took occasion, when I returned to Edinburgh, to deal with Sir James Balfour not ot part with the castle, whereby he might be an instrument to save the prince and the queen, who was so disdainfully handled, and with such repriachful language, that in presence of Arthur Erskine I heard her ask for a knife to stab herself, 'or else,' siad she, 'I shall drown myself.' "
Or did du Croc himself hear the story from Melville, who seems to have been telling all and sundry anything he could to blacken Bothwell's name?
The letter also hints that the French court knew of the impending marriage. Du Croc was certainly later involved in negotiations between the rebel Lords and France - though his own opinion of events and wishes regarding the outcome are unclear, aside from his animosity towards Bothwell.
References
[1] Calendar of State Papers, Foreign Series, of the reign of Elizabeth 1566-68. Ed Allan James Crosby (Longman and Co, 1871). Drury to Cecil, 4th and 6th May 1567
[2] Thomson T (Ed); A Diurnal of Remarkable Occurents that have passed within the Country of Scotland since the Death of King James the Fourth til the Year MDLXXV. (Bannatyne Club, XLV, Edinburgh 1833)
[3] Mahon RH; ‘The Tragedy of Kirk o’ Field’.(Cambridge University Press, 1930)
[4] Melville Sir J of Halhill; ‘Memoirs of his own life’. Ed T Thomson. (Bannatyne Club Edinburgh 1827)
[5] Calendar of Letters, Dispatches and State Papers relating to Negotiations between England and Spain, preserved in the archives at Simancas and Elsewhere (17 vols). GA Bergenroth, Garrett Mattingly, R Tyler et all (eds). (HMSO London, 1883-1976)
[6] Calendar of State Papers, Foreign Series, of the reign of Elizabeth 1566-68. Ed Allan James Crosby (Longman and Co, 1871).
[7] Buchanan G; ‘The Tyrannous Reign of Mary Stewart’. Trans/ed WA Gatherer. (Edinburgh University Press 1958)
[8] Strickland A: 'Letters of Mary Queen of Scots and Documents Connected with her Personal History'. (London 1842-3)